Global Challenges to Democracy By Jordan Ryan  |  04 September, 2025

US Bars Palestinian Delegation: A Dangerous Precedent for UN Universality

Image: Mahmoud Abbas, President of the State of Palestine speaks at UN General Assembly plenary meeting at UN Headquarters in New York on September 21, 2023 - Lev Radin / shutterstock.com

In August 2025, the United States revoked visas for Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and approximately 80 other PA and PLO officials en route to the UN General Assembly in New York—effectively barring their entry. Staff already accredited and based in New York were exempted under a diplomatic waiver. While past exclusions, such as the 1988 denial of a visa to Yasser Arafat, targeted individuals, this scale of denial—directed at an entire visiting leadership delegation—is without precedent in UN history.

The 1947 Headquarters Agreement obliges the host to facilitate access for all representatives, safeguarding the UN’s universality. US domestic law, including Public Law 113-100, does give the executive branch discretion to deny visas on grounds of national security or foreign policy, and the doctrine of consular non-reviewability insulates such decisions from legal challenge. Historically, however, Washington managed this tension pragmatically, permitting participation even by adversarial states while restricting only in exceptional cases. The 2025 decision reflects a marked shift towards sovereignty at the expense of international commitment.

This use of host-country leverage amounts to political coercion, exploiting the UN’s dependence on US territory. It represents a dangerous form of gatekeeping, where one state uses its position as host to control access to the multilateral system. If normalised, such practices would turn the UN into an arena subject to domestic political whims rather than universal rules.

Reactions have been strong. The Palestinian Authority described the ban as a breach of international law and urged member states to uphold inclusive engagement. UN officials confirmed the matter was raised with the US State Department. Several European governments and others from the Global South warned that the move could set a dangerous precedent, undermining equal rights of all members. Civil society and peacebuilding practitioners caution that if powerful states can block access at will, the UN’s legitimacy will erode further.

The concern has been reinforced by a statement from the US State Department, which insisted that the PA must “end appeals to legal institutions, including the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, and stop pushing countries to recognise a conjectural Palestinian state.” Linking participation at the UN to compliance with a single country’s policy preferences, rather than to international law, sets a damaging precedent that others may exploit.

Abbas himself has sought to balance diplomacy with accountability. He condemned the October 7 attacks as “unacceptable and condemnable” and called for the immediate release of all hostages, a position he reiterated in a June 2025 letter to French President Emmanuel Macron, pledging reforms including disarming Hamas and restoring authority to Palestinian security forces. He has also stated: “We reject the practices of killing civilians or abusing them on both sides because they contravene morals, religion and international law.” These positions underscore that Palestinian participation at the UN is not about delegitimising Israel but about upholding international law.

Recommendations

Diplomatic measures should come first. The international community must reaffirm the binding nature of the 1947 UN Headquarters Agreement. General Assembly resolutions should restate these obligations, and the Secretary-General should be tasked with regular reporting to ensure compliance is not subordinated to domestic politics.

Member states should also consider contingency arrangements for the General Assembly itself, including the possibility of convening in Geneva or another UN venue in cases where the host country obstructs access. While relocating at short notice would be difficult, even signalling this option would reinforce the principle that the United Nations is not bound to a single site and that universality cannot be negated by the unilateral actions of one state.

Institutional mechanisms must complement this political response. A dedicated Secretariat unit could track visa denials and delays, while an independent review mechanism could publish impartial reports to expose patterns of abuse. These steps, paired with contingency plans for relocation or hybrid participation, would help safeguard the universality of the UN even when access is obstructed.

Inclusive participation must also be strengthened. Civil society and peacebuilding actors should document access denials and analyse their impacts, while training programmes can prepare future diplomats to defend universal access.

Access and advocacy require stronger support. Philanthropic foundations, development partners, and private actors should fund legal advocacy, communications infrastructure, and virtual participation tools to ensure that smaller or marginalised delegations can still be heard when physical access is obstructed.

Defending universal participation is essential to preserve the UN’s founding vision. Preventing discretionary exclusion from becoming normalised will help protect the rights of less powerful states and preserve the integrity of global diplomacy. Renewed commitment to rules, transparency, and inclusion remains the only path to building genuine and lasting peace in a divided world.

 

Related articles by this author:

Reluctant Truth-Tellers and Institutional Fragility (3-minute read)

From Democratic Leader to Autocratic Example: The Global Impact of U.S. Backsliding (3-minute read)

Countering Human Rights Regression to Safeguard Peace (10-minute read)

A Defining Moment for the United Nations: The Global Stakes of U.S. Disengagement (3-minute read)

 

 

Jordan Ryan is a member of the Toda International Research Advisory Council (TIRAC) at the Toda Peace Institute, a Senior Consultant at the Folke Bernadotte Academy and former UN Assistant Secretary-General with extensive experience in international peacebuilding, human rights, and development policy. His work focuses on strengthening democratic institutions and international cooperation for peace and security. Ryan has led numerous initiatives to support civil society organisations and promote sustainable development across Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. He regularly advises international organisations and governments on crisis prevention and democratic governance.